The ruins at Stonehenge (Mystery Hill), New Hampshire

Summary of Discoveries of Dr. Barry & René Fell

NOTE: "Old Norse" and "Old Gaelic" as used by Fell may be equivalent to a Northern dialect of the Saharan language as discussed by Nyland, and most of the inscriptions in this section may also be transcribed with the Ogam/Igbo Dictionary: see Catherine Acholonu.

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Twilight of The Gods -- Giants and Monsters

In Scandinavian mythology the underworld, Jotunheim, is inhabited by the evil progeny of Loki and by other giants and monsters. One of Loki's children was the giant worl Fenrir, who became a menace to the gods, and had to be placed under restraint in a magic halter. None dared to capture the beast, however, until Tyr, the god of war, allowed the wolf to take his arm in his jaws as a guarantee that the halter would not restrain him. When Fenrir discovered that he had been tricked, he bit off Tyr's arm, so the god is depicted as maimed.

This ancient myth, as noted previously, is depicted on Woden-lithi's inscription [at Peterborough, Ontario, Canada] in at least two places, Fig. 111 & Fig. 112. About 21 feet from the main sun figure, slightly east of the north-south axis, occurs a wolf figure that is labeled L-Z  F-N-R. The beast appears to be caught in some kind of trap. The inscription seems to mean, "Fenri locked," assuming that L-Z is the root laesa in Old Norse, "to lock."

Another depiction is seen some 30 feet southwest-by-west of the main sun figure (Fig. 169). it shows the wolf running free. it is lettered W-N-R  M-L  M-N-D [= Wenri mel mond]. This evidently means "Wenri Crunch-Hand," the form Wenri being alternative to Fenri (Fenrir in Norse), mel being the verb to "crush" or "grind," and mond meaning "hand." The figure of the wolf is placed just to the left of the main image of the god Tsiw, whose left hand he has just bitten off. The god, with blood still dripping from the wound, stands defiantly, over the conspicuous dedication made by Woden-lithi (Fig. 111).

Two giants with similar names occur in Norsemen mythology. One of them, Ymir, is present at the creation of the earth, and his body is carved up to constitute the world. The other, Himir, is a sea monster that is defeated in battle with Thunor. The version presented by Woden-lithi's artists shows the sea giant, but he is named Y-M-R, hence Ymir. He is shown beside his ship (Fig. 170), which is carried along the waves by a huge sea horse. The inscription reads Y-M-R  N-GH-W (Ymira nokwi), readily translated as "The ship of Ymir." The giant may have been feared by Woden-lithi's mariners, so his defeat by Thunor would be cause for veneration of the Thunderer.

According to Snorri's Edda, the world will end with Ragnarök, the Twilight of the Gods, when the monsters of Jotunheim finally overcome the Aesir and Vanir. During the last battle Thor (Thunor of our Ontario text) manages to hold at bay the giant serpent that encircles the world and is called Midgardsormen (Worm of Middle Earth); at length his hammer Mjolnir avails no more, and Thunor and the other gods succumb. Parts of this scenario are depicted in various places on Woden-lithi's site.

A little west of a point 30 feet south of the main sun figure there can be found a number of serpents, with inscriptions scattered among them. The inscriptions (Fig. 172) include M-O-L-N (Mjolnir or Old Norse), the hammer of Thunor; R-M (orm, "serpent" in Old Norse); M-D-N-M, apparently to be understood as Midn[gardsorm] nama ("Worm of Mid-Earth is its name"), nama being a south Germanic form, replacing nefni of Old Norse. Another serpent is labeled S-W, presumably svika, "twisting." The collection is identified (Fig. 171) as R-G-N  D-M (Regin Domr, Doom of the Gods). Another picture of the Worm of Mid-Earth appears in the engraving of Thunor given in an earlier [section]. The word A-K-W, Old Norse akava is written beside yet another serpent: it means "fierce."

The earth is now given over to flame, and the Aesir gods under the leadership of Woden form in procession to ascent the rainbow (in Norse lore called Bridge-of-the-Gods) to enter Valhalla, there to await their own doom. This last scene is the subject of a petroglyph engraved some five feet southwest of the main sun-god {Fig 173) figure [at Peterborough, Ontario, Canada]. The petroglyph includes the Tifinag letters W-L-H-L, Walhol, which is also the Anglo-Saxon manner of pronouncing Valhalla. Inconsequent as it seems, perhaps because of the random manner in which the various pieces of Norsemen mythology have been ground into the rock platform, a Yule-man seems to be taking part in the proceedings, wearing the disguise of the equinoctial hare, while he wrestles another clown dressed as a bear.

These ancient Norsemen myths were to some extent acquired or inherited by the Algonquian and Sioux tribes who were the neighbors of the colonists. Pictographs and petroglyphs of dragons and other monsters found along the banks of the St. Lawrence [River] present features remarkably like the monsters of Norsemen tradition.

Even more surprising is the persistence of these stories into quite modern times among the Takhelne of British Columbia, who speak a language derived in part from Ancient Irish. In modern times, not more than one or two centuries ago at most, painted inscriptions lettered in ogam script, were created by artists who not only recalled the form of the monsters, but also retained the ability to write the names of the supernatural beings in legible ogam script. An example of such work, depicting Loki and the dragon of Middle Earth, is shown in Fig. 174. It serves as a visible reminder of how long a folk memory can persist if the demands of tribal tradition so require.

Commerce in the Bronze Age

Most of us, consciously or unconsciously, tend to interpret the past in terms of the present. Since we ourselves use trading tokens and coins, we assume that our remote ancestors may have done the same. But when did this custom begin? When was simple barter replaced by more sophisticated business dealings, involving standards of exchange comparable to coinage? In the 1950's Fell became interested in this question, and published his findings in two papers. The conclusions he reached are relevant to this discussion. The inquiry was prompted by events in Britain that resulted from World War II.

At that time the people of Britain faced a severe food shortage caused by the blockade of ships bringing farm products from overseas. To help overcome the crisis, every possible strip of land, no matter how narrow, was plowed and planted. Along the ancient highways, many of them going back to Roman or even Ancient Irish times, the bordering verges of grass were put to the plow and then planted. But many an ancient foot-traveler had once wandered along these routes, occasionally dropping coins by mischance, or in other cases deliberately concealing pots of coins if danger threatened. Many a burial had remained intact when the owner had met with ill fate, or perhaps could no longer return, or failed to locate his treasure. Tens of thousands of ancient coins, Roman, Saxon, and medieval, were discovered by the plowmen. As a result the market value of ancient coins dropped with a crash, and it became possible for many people of quite modest means to assemble valuable and instructive collections of these intriguing relics of our ancestors.

Since the Anglo-Saxon silver pennies are the oldest inscribed artifacts we possess from the ill-documented period that followed the withdrawal of the Romans from Britain in the fifth century after Christ, Fell began to research the Old English manuscripts in an effort to discover what role these coins played in our ancestors' daily lives; later, as stated above, he summarized his findings in two papers published in 1954 and 1955. What at first puzzled me greatly was that nearly all the references to monetary transactions that occur in the Saxon literature are to shillings, pounds, and marks-- yet the only coins that are found in the soil are pennies and pieces of lesser value, such as feorthungs (farthings, that is, quarters of a penny, cut with shears for change) and some irregular coins called stykas, issued in the first years of the Saxon occupation.

Now, a typical Saxon entry relating to money is represented by this passage, which Fell translated from the seventeenth-century laws of King Inc of Wessex: "If a man owns a hid of land, his wer [that is, property value] is to be reckoned at 120 shillings, half a hide 80 shillings, and if he owns no land 60 shillings." Apparently taxes were apportioned according to one's wer. Again, King Aethelberht, who died in the year 616, decreed that if a man had one ear smitten off in combat, the aggressor must pay him six shillings amends. There is a whole table of possible injuries and the appropriate compensation payable in each case-- injury to the mouth, 12 shillings; loss of an eye, 50 shillings; the four front teeth, 6 shillings each; an eyetooth, 4 shillings; the first premolar, 3 shillings; other teeth a shilling each-- and so on.

But what were these "shillings?" Certainly not the silver coins of that name that were first struck in England in the Middle Ages. It turns out that in Saxon times all these monetary terms were merely units of account. A shilling in nearly every case actually means a sheep. The true equations of account were as follows:

6 sheep equal 1 ox

8 oxen equal 1 man

30 silver pence equal 1 ox               48 shillings weigh one pound

5 silver pence equal 1 sheep  1 sheep equal 1 shilling

240 silver pence equal 1 man 1 man equals 1 pound of silver

Almost all debts were extinguished, not by coin of the realm (which was scarce) but by barter payments of sheep and oxen. The system remained almost intact until inflation set in, caused by labor scarcity during the Black Death (1349). hence, we may hazard the guess that the Saxon system was an ancient one, and that it had been introduced from Denmark and northern Germany, the homelands of the Angles, Jutes, and Saxons who invaded England after Roman rule ended.

According to the ancient historians of Greece and Rome, the oldest city in Europe is Cadiz (Gades of the ancients), founded by Phoenician traders in the twelfth century BC. The Phoenician script rapidly spread through southern and western Spain and Portugal, soon assuming a characteristic Iberian form in which certain letters were written somewhat differently from their original form as developed in Phoenicia (Lebanon), where the parent cites of the Phoenicians, Tyre and Sidon, are located. Later, as the Phoenician colony of Carthage, in Tunisia, became independent, other varieties of Phoenician script arose and spread through the Iberian Peninsula. In addition, mysterious scripts of apparently native Iberian origin occur in Spain and Portugal in archaeological contexts that certainly long antedate the Romans and may well antedate those of the Phoenician traders of Cadiz.

At the time when Cadiz was founded the Norsemen peoples were settled in lands that we now call Germany and Scandinavia. Their cousins the Pre-Irish occupied much of Gaul and parts of Britain, and were beginning to penetrate into Spain. Much of the Iberian peninsula was peopled by tribes who probably spoke Basque, and the Basque philologist Imanol Agiŕe is of the opinion that Basque-speaking tribes were also to be found in Britain and Ireland as well as parts of Gaul.

Archaeological excavation discloses that these northern peoples were still in the Stone Age as late as 1800 BC, and their emergence into the Bronze Age during the century that followed was occasioned by trade contact with Mediterranean peoples, from whom they obtained bronze swords and elaborate knives and other sophisticated manufactures. Apparently only the wealthiest members of Norsemen society could afford these imported luxuries, for we find carefully chipped flint imitations of the bronze knives, apparently the property of commoners who could not afford to purchase the bronze originals. According toe the ancient historians the Phoenicians traded with these northern peoples, taking such valuable wares as purple cloth for their chiefs, and the bronze weapons mentioned earlier, and receiving in return such materials as tin from Cornwall and amber from the Baltic lands. A so-called amber route has been traced, leading from Denmark southward along the Danube to the Rumanian ports of the Black Sea. But was this the only door by which the Norsemen peoples could face the trading world of the Mediterranean? it seems unlikely, for the Bronze Age rock carvings of Scandinavia depict fleets of ships similar to those of the Mediterranean peoples (especially the Libyans of North Africa), and such vessels could certainly cross the open sea.

An actual example of one of these vessels (though excavated from a site thought to date to about the fifth century BC) is known, and Fell examined it in Copenhagen in 1953. About 13 meters long, it is constructed in a manner very similar to that of the Polynesian oceangoing craft: that is to say, of adzed wooden planks held together, not by nails or dowels, but sewn together by cordage. With similar vessels, called waka, the ancient Polynesians could cross open spans of the Pacific of 3,000 miles, such as the gap between Tahiti and New Zealand. We know from carefully kept traditional Polynesian sources that the 3,000-mile journey was covered at a rate of 100 miles a day, so that a voyage to new Zealand lasted only a month; vegetable tubers were stored in the lower part of the hull, fish were caught each day, and rain supplemented the drinking water carried in gourds. Carbon dating has shown that human settlement of New Zealand had been achieved at least by the tenth century AD, as Maori tradition also affirms.

The Polynesian voyages had spanned the Pacific in the centuries before the occupation of the southernmost region, New Zealand, and this historical fact is accepted without question by archaeologists. It has therefore always seemed strange that European and American archaeologists seem to have so much difficulty in conceiving that the people who built the Bronze Age ships of Europe could not also have made similar transoceanic voyages. However, leaving aside for the moment the question of transoceanic sailing, it is surely not to be doubted that the Scandinavian skippers of the Bronze Age must certainly have made voyages along the coasts of the Baltic and the North Sea. It is inconceivable that any people who inhabited a seagirt land would build ships if it were not their avocation or profession to sail wheresoever their fancy and sea skills sufficed to prompt adventure or trading voyage.

Inevitably the Scandinavians must have discovered that Phoenician ships and traders were working the western approaches to Europe. Inevitably their interest would turn upon the valuable trade goods of Phoenicia, available to them either by peaceable trading of the Baltic amber that the Semitic visitors so much craved, or by piratical attack if circumstances might make such a course seem profitable. Homer and Hesiod, both of whom wrote of the Greek mariners of the Bronze Age, tell us that farmers turned pirate during the summer and returned to reap their crops in the fall, bringing ill-gotten treasure and Phoenician slave women as booty from the summer's expeditions. It may be taken as given that the Ancient Norsemen would do much the same.

If, then, the Bronze Age Norsemen encountered Phoenician or Iberian traders, either as visitors to their own lands, or as people to whose shores they themselves paid visits, would they not acquire from them a knowledge of writing skills? It seems they did indeed, as the following implies.

One of the best known of the Danish archaeological sites is that located at Mullerup Mose, in the western part of the island of Zealand. The older name of the site was Maglemose, and under the latter name there has been designated a Stone Age culture whose remains are found there. The site, like many others of the Stone Age, spans a long period of time, in this case thought to range from about 7000 BC down to 1500 BC. Its later elements, if the dating is correct, would therefore overlap with the onset of the Bronze Age, in the shape of the first trading visitors from Phoenician Iberia, or the return of Norsemen ships from visits to Iberia.

Among the curious artifacts attributed to the Maglemose people are a series of engraved bones (Fig. 175 14-1), the purpose of which would be hard to determine were it not for the fact, hitherto overlooked, that small inscriptions in the Iberic alphabet can be found on some of them.

Engravings are found of oxen (cows or heifers) and, beside them, or drawn separately, meshwork patterns that can be recognized as the common European symbol for cloth or weaving, often found engraved on loom weights, for example. On one engraving of a cow we find the Iberic letters that spell (reading from right to left in the Semitic manner) W-'A-G. The middle letter, resembling an A, is the letter 'alif, pronounced like the initial A in the German word Apfel: that is, with a slight glottal click. Iberian writers did not use vowels, and they regarded 'alif as a consonant. So the word is to be pronounced as wag, with a glottal catch in the voice. In the modern Scandinavian tongues there is no such word, nor does it occur in the related Teutonic tongues, nor in the less closely related Ancient Irish tongues. But in the Latin family the root is the base of all the common words for cow in Latin itself (vacca>), Spanish (vaca), Portuguese (vaca), French (vache), Italian (vaca) and Rumanian (vacă). The Swiss philologist Julius Pokorny, after comparing the whole range of words for cow in ancient and modern Indo-European languages, concluded that there were once several different roots used by the various dialects of ancient Indo-Europeans, and that one of the roots must have been uak or  wak. Evidently the people who spoke the language used at the Maglemose site around 1500 BC used that particular root, and pronounced the terminal guttural as a g rather than a k. This does not necessarily mean that the Maglemose people were not Norsemen, or that they were displaced members of the Latin group. it probably merely means that the word wag was widely recognized by the various trading peoples of Bronze Age Europe as being a term for cow. And why should a cow be depicted, and labeled in writing, on a bone, beside a depiction of fabric?

The answer is not far to seek. Beside one of the engravings of the symbol for cloth we find the Iberic letters that spell Q-D (Fig. 176), which is the Phoenician manner of writing KH-D, the vowel as usual left unexpressed. This word again matches an Indo-European root identified by Pokorny: kwei-, with a terminal -d as the sign of the past participle. It answers to the modern English word quit and the Old Norse kvitr, as well as many other modern and ancient European forms of the root [e.g., German Quittung], all conveying the sense of "quittance" or "paid." In fact, these bones are evidently receipts issued by some trader to persons who have purchased from him cloth to the value of 6 shillings: that is to say, one cow. And to support this inference we have in the Old Norse language  <= Saharan?> special words, such as kugildi and kyrlag, both meaning "the value of a cow" and corresponding to the Saxon unit of 6 sheep or 30 pence, equaling "... one ox . (click to see monetary terms). The equation may have varied a little; for example, we know that in one English summer, sheep had become so plentiful that the exchange rate (angilde) fell drastically and became 3 pence to 1 sheep, so that a cow could then only be rated at 18 pieces of silver. In general, I think the standard rate was the one I have stated. There were no pennies minted in the days of the Maglemose trader, but if they had been, I think his price for a bolt of woven cloth would be reckoned at 30 pieces of silver, which in Saxon terms is yet another way of saying "the wages of an able-bodied man for one month's work," for a Saxon earned a penny a day and, by the laws of King Alfred and King Guthrum, who ruled the English and Danes, "An Englishman and a Dane are reckoned as of equal value" (Their wives were not so regarded. The present-day advocates of equal rights for women may trace their complaints back at least to the era we are discussing, when a woman was reckoned as having a value of one half-man, and was accordingly paid one half-penny for a day's labor in the harvest. To buy her bolt of cloth, then, she must work for 60 days or have a wealthy husband.)

And why we receipts issued for the purchase of goods? Receipts or "quittances" were the invention of traders, who issued them to their customers for the same reason that your modern supermarket or drugstore staples a mechanically printed receipt to your purchase-- to prove that you have not stolen the goods. Traders in ancient Europe would indeed have had to keep a wary eye for shoplifters, as dozens of eager farmers and their wives fingered and examined the wares. After a purchase was made, the customer would be given a formal receipt, already engraved in advance at the stipulated value. Complaints against shoplifters could then more easily be handled by the local chieftain, who would know that no more visits from traders could be expected unless he saw to it that due restitution was made. With such homely materials as these pieces of engraved bone, the life of our remote ancestors acquires a new dimension, one much more familiar to us than the notion that they were savage barbarians.

What The Grave Goods Tell Us

An important part in the recognition of the language and origins of ancient peoples consists in studying their grave goods closely in search of inscriptions. Small but telltale comments or notations often occur on objects that look unimportant but that formed some part of household or artisan's equipment. For example, loom weights may carry a notation indicating whether they belong to the warp of a standing loom or to the pairs of threads that form part of a so-called card loom. Archaeologists are prone to overlook these, supposing them to be some decorative marking of no significance. Thus, Basque token coins of the second century BC, issued in imitation of Aquitanian silver coins of the Ancient Irish and carrying an ogam statement in the Basque language have been erroneously identified as "buttons" or "necklace beads," and classified as Aurignacian artifacts of 20,000 BC  In America stone loom weights, labeled in ogam with the Ancient Irish word meaning "warp," have been identified as Amerindian "gorgets." Pottery impress stamps, labeled to that effect in Iberic script, have been mistaken for decorated combs. Cases could be multiplied of similar mistakes. The errors arise from the fact that archaeologists often do not realize what important light epigraphers can throw on their finds, and that what may be mistaken for mere decoration is often an ancient form of script, which can identify the people who once owned and used the artifacts.

The occurrence of burials with associated inscribed relics was first reported for North America in 1838, when a tumulus at Grave Creek, Moundsville, West Virginia (Fig. 179), was excavated and yielded an inscribed stone tablet, obviously written in some alphabet related to the Phoenician or Carthaginian (Fig. 180). When a Danish authority on scripts, Dr. Rafn at Copenhagen University, was sent a copy of the writing on the stone he promptly identified it as being in one of the Iberian scripts. As Grave Creek is 300 miles from the sea, the implication seemed to be that an Iberian settlement had once occurred in North America-- a notion that later archaeologists rejected. hence the Grave Creek grave goods and the included tablet were either forgotten or attributed to the treacherous invention of forgers." [Please also see Fig. 181 for European example]. Edo Nyland has translated the Horse Creek Petroglyph of West Virginia, finding the text written in the Basque Language (see Horse Creek Petroglyph).

In more recent times more artifacts have been found with inscriptions in Iberic (as well as other ancient European scripts) and have been recorded and published, but only as "decorated" artifacts. Since archaeologists did not expect to find inscribed artifacts, they were unaware of what might constitute an inscribed artifact." Dr. William P. Grigsby of east Tennessee, who has assembled one of the largest collections of excavated artifacts of eastern North America, began, after reading America B.C., to recognize on some of his specimens markings that appeared to match both Iberian letters and ogam script; he wrote to draw Fell's attention to his specimens and then allowed me to research them.

When the attention of archaeologists was drawn to the presence of ogam inscriptions on the artifacts as also on some of the megalithic chambers, their response was often disbelief. Their skepticism is based on the mistaken notion, long held, "that ogam was invented no earlier than the fourth century A.D., for use in Ireland." The best answer to criticisms of the kind cited lies in numismatics, for dates of coins can be established with considerable accuracy.

Illustrated in Fig. 177 are two Ancient Irish silver coins of the second century BC  They are imitations of the coinage of a Greek trading center in Spain named Emporiom. The lower example, which dates from before 133 BC, is lettered in Iberian script, and reads nomse, the Celiberian version of the original Greek word for a coin, nomisma. the upper example is drawn from a specimen, now in the British Museum, of a silver coin of the Gauls of Aquitania. it has been dated (Allen, Celtic Coins, British Museum, 1978) to the second century before Christ. The ogam inscription is in ogam consaine and therefore omits the vowels. It reads N-M-S (nomse, coin), and below are the letters L-G, probably the mint-mark of the city of Lugdunum in Aquitania. A clear photograph of the inscription may be seen on page 35 of Allen's Celtic Coins.

This disposes of the claim that "ogam was invented in the fourth century AD at the earliest." We shall now deal with the remark that ogam "is peculiar to the Celts and in particular to the Irish… the use of "Celts" here is vague.

The bone disk with an engraved design and ogam inscription, shown in Fig. 178, is one of a number of similar examples found at the Paleolithic site at Laugerie-Basse, in the Basque country of the Pyrenees adjacent to the old Pre-Irish (noted as Celtic) kingdom of Aquitania, from which the previously mentioned coin derives. Archaeologists have identified this disk as "a bead from a necklace, or less probably, a button." and it has been described as an artifact made by the cave-dwelling Paleolithic people of Langerie-Basse.

These statements cannot be correct. The ogam consaine inscription reads in the Basque language S-H-T (šehe-te), which means, "to serve as money."  More precisely, the standard Diccionario of Azukue explains that the word refers to what numismatists call a billon coin of very small value; "billon" means a debased alloy of silver. Clearly the bone disk is a Basque imitation of the coinage of Aquitania and can be dated to about the same period as the piece it simulates: the second century BC. Like many other inscriptions of ancient Europe-- and America-- it has nothing to do with Ireland, nor does it express an Ancient Irish tongue. it is improbable that the engravers of any of these coins were "familiar with the Latin Language," nor should such a familiarity have any relevance to the subject.

Many other Iberian (noted as Celtiberian) and Gaulish numismatic examples of ogam consain can be cited. However, we now refer to the inscriptions found in North America, written in Iberic script (like that of the Grave Creek mound) and using Basque or other Iberian language. In the case of the Iberian script cut on stones in Pennsylvania, and reported by me as Basque in 1974, the Basque Encyclopedia now includes these inscriptions as the earliest recognized Basque writing,.." This is "in contract to American archaeologists claim that they are marks made by roots of trees or by plowshares. When Dr. Grigsby first discovered the Iberian script on some of his artifacts, the signs he found were precisely the same set of letters that make up the Iberic alphabet, and which had earlier been found on the grave markers and boundary stones of Pennsylvania. Asked if these markings are caused by miniature plows, archaeologists have thus far maintained a stony silence." [It is worth noting here that before the recent decipherment of Mayan scripts in Mexico and Central America, American archeologists steadfastly maintained that there was no "writing" of any kind in America].

There are also quite independent and unrelated reasons for thinking that ancient European voyagers came to America. They concern the mining of metals.

For the past twenty years leading mining engineers and university metallurgists have been seeking from archaeologists and explanation of a most baffling mystery in the history of mining technology. So far no answer has been found.

Around the northern shore of Lake Superior, and on the adjacent Isle Royale, there are approximately 5,000 ancient copper mine workings. In 1953 and 1956 Professor Roy Drier led two Michigan Mining and Technology expeditions to the sites. Charcoal found at the bases of the ancient mining pits yielded radiocarbon dates indicating that the mines had been operated between 2000 BC and 1000 BC. These dates correspond nearly to the start and the end of the Bronze Age in northern Europe. The most conservative estimates by mining engineers show that at least 500 million pounds of metallic copper were removed over that time span, and there is no evidence as to what became of it.

Archaeologists have maintained that there was no Bronze Age in Northern America and that no contacts with the outside world occurred. On the other hand, the mineralogists find themselves obliged to take a different view: it is impossible, they argue, for so large a quantity of metal to have vanished through wear and tear. An since no large numbers of copper artifacts have been recovered from American archaeological sites, they conclude that the missing metal may have been shipped overseas. Such an opinion, as is obvious, now becomes entirely reasonable, for the inscriptions of Woden-lithi [at Peterborough, Ontario, Canada] declare that copper ingots were his primary targets in coming to Canada. Previous shippers must have passed the information to the Norseman king, since otherwise he could not have known that copper was available and that a suitable trade commodity in exchange would be woven fabrics and cordage.

Thus the sum total of evidence from burial sites, from the chance discovery of burial marker stones and boundary stones, from the other sources mentioned ...[previously], all adds up to a consistent and simple explanation of all the baffling facts; it is simply this-- European colonists and traders have been visiting or settling in the Americas for thousands of years, have introduced their scripts and artifacts and skills, and have exported abroad American products such as copper. [Please also see Figs. 182, 183, 185, 186, 187, 189 & 190].

How Stone Age Language Was Preserved in Bronze Age Petroglyphs

In the 1960's a Swiss Scholar, Dr. Rudolph Engler, drew attention to the extraordinary similarity existing between the rock carvings of ships engraved in Scandinavia during the Bronze Age and certain rock carvings found in North America. Fell (1982) continues, "Dr. Engler's name and his thought-provoking book Die Sonne als Symbol (The Sun as a Symbol) are still little known in America, unfortunately. he expressed the opinion that an explanation for the facts would one day be supplied by epigraphic research. Certain easily recognizable symbols are found beside the Scandinavian ship engravings, and the identical symbols occur beside the American ones. When Engler wrote his book, however, none of the symbols had been deciphered, and consequently the writing-- for such it appeared to be-- remained unread and mysterious. We may speculate as to whether the Scandinavian rock engravings of ships may conceal a message unperceived by us because of the infantile aspect of the art itself.

One way to examine the matter is to let our mind's eye escape from the trammels of the age in which we happen to be born, and to take flight in fancy through time and space, to watch the artists at work (Figs. 191 & 192).

Our first stop is to be on the Baltic seashore at Namforsen, in the Gulf of Bothnia, in northern Sweden. As we touch down, a Bronze Age artist has just engraved a representation of a ten-oared boat, with the crewmen represented as plain sticklike marks. he now takes up his gouge and hammers out a bent left arm on each of two facing crewmen. Next, to our surprise, he adds what seems an utterly irrelevant detail, a stylistic head of a horse suspended in midair (so it would seem) above the vessel's stern. Next we take flight southward to the island of Sjaelland, in Denmark, to watch another artist at work near Engelstrup. he has chosen to decorate a boulder. First he carves a stylized ship, a twenty-oared vessel. Again the crewmen are shown like vertical pegs. he now adds two more men, one at the bow and one suspended above the other rowers. Each of these two figures is now given a bent arm. Next (and this time we are prepared for it) he adds a horse in midair above the stern. Now we take flight across the Atlantic to visit one of King Woden-lithi's artists [near Peterborough, Ontario, Canada]. He, too, has cut a ship engraving, some 15 feet due east of the main sun figure. He has cut only 6 rowers. He now adds a larger stick figure at the bow, taking care to bend the forearm. Last, as we expect him to do, he adds a somewhat misshapen horse, suspended over the stern.

As we watch, [the Canadian engraver at Peterborough] then walks across the site to a point that lies about 12 feet southwest of the central sun figure, where other engravers have begin to lay out the figures of a zodiac. He cuts a four-oared ship. Beside it he engraves a man in the bow and a very pregnant woman in the stern, and above them he engraves a large ring-shaped motif. Meanwhile, our Swedish and Danish artists have been busy. When we return to Engelstrup we find that the Dane has added a second ship to his boulder. Beside it, he has placed two figures, a man and a woman, and between them he has engraved a very conspicuous ring-shaped object. As for the Swede, in his remote Bothnian fastness, when we arrive there we find he too has added a second ship, has carved a man and a pregnant woman beside it, and over their heads he has placed a ring-shaped design.

Now, to an epigrapher, a sequence such as just described-- and the actual engravings do exist, at the places named-- can mean only one thing: the artists in each case were following a formalistic, well-defined system of writing. The scribes of ancient Egypt had similar procedures. Egyptian writing depends on the use of the rebus-- a word that is easy to depict as a picture is used to indicate another word that sounds the same but that cannot be represented by a picture. Here is the principle, as the Egyptians developed it.  Suppose you want to write the word man or male. That is easy, for you can make a little pictograph, a matchstick figure or a more elaborate one, depicting a man. The reader sees a man, and is expected to read "man," as indeed he will. But suppose you wanted to write, not man, but brother. That is much more difficult, for no matter how accurately you depict your own or someone else's brother, the average reader (who knows neither of the persons) will just say "man." How can you make him understand that the word intended is brother? The Egyptian discovery lies in the fact that in the Egyptian language the word brother is pronounced like sen. But in that language there is another, readily depictable, thing that was also called sen-- namely, a ladle. So the solution is to draw a pictograph of a man, and then beside it place a pictograph of a ladle.

All that then is needed is to ensure that you teach your young people to read, and that in turn means teaching them to recognize in each word a classifier (or determinant) and a second element called the phonoglyph (sound-giver). In the word brother the man picture is the classifier, telling the reader that the word has something to do with male human beings, and the ladle picture is the phonoglyph, telling the reader that the male human has a name that sounds like sen.

When Professor Fell lived in Copenhagen he became acquainted with Icelanders, whose language has preserved most of the features of Old Norse. They delight in word play and also are noted for the high proportion of poets in their population. One whom he knew used to invent risqué punning games to tease some innocent party. He would first dream up some complicated pun in Danish and then make me say what appeared to be a harmless statement, the others present waiting breathless to see what would result. When Fell knew the words, he would then say, "Faster, say it more quickly," whereupon the entire room would dissolve in laughter. To Fell's innocent inquiry he would then be told that, by saying the words faster, he had made them run together to form a totally different and usually quite obscene statement: one of those Old Norse customs for whiling away the long winter nights along the Arctic Circle. In Polynesia Fell encountered similar customs, there called riddles and taken very seriously by some anthropologists whose knowledge of the language was too slight to enable them to realize the traps they were led into. Entire articles appear in the Journal of the Polynesian Society in which the unwary authors have reproduced scores of the most scurrilous material, thinly disguised as something different by dividing the words in different places. These so-called riddles were also a means of passing the long evenings. Also, tribal lore deemed to be too sacred for ordinary ears can be concealed in complex puns that the uninitiated does not fully comprehend.

With these experiences in mind, and knowing now as we do that the language spoken by the Bronze Age engravers of Scandinavia and Ontario is a Norse language, we can test whether the inconsequential assemblages of horses in midair, men with bent arms, and rings gazed upon by male and female matchstick figures may be written puns, like ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs. The test, of course, is to utter aloud the names of the depicted objects in sequence.

Since the Danish example carries both of the statements on the same stone, one above the other, we will use that one.

"In English we have: (reading each line from left to right):

English: People, arms bent, and a horse. A man and a woman at a ring gaze.

Norse: Menneskjor, olna kviesand'ok hrossr. Ok mann ok kvinna't hring da.

Homophone: Menne kjol-nakvi Suna dagi hrossa, ok man-nokvi natt hrinda.

English: Men to the keeled sun-ship at dawn give praise, and to the moon-ship at her night launching.

Thus, the seemingly childish pictures are readily seen to be not pictures, but hieroglyphs. They seemed to be examples of Stone Age writing, poetic and religious, hallowed by centuries of use before the Bronze Age and carefully preserved intact as historic and religious expressions of piety from a former age.

By treating the messages of the Bronze Age as literal and childish, we have completely failed to interpret the true sense they impart. The rock-cut petroglyphs deserve the close attention of linguists, who may be expected to produce more perfect interpretations than those that can be offered. Often linguists are prone to spend so much time splitting hairs over dictionary-authorized spellings and grammatical niceties that they often forget that ancient peoples had no dictionaries, no written standards of spelling, and that the grammar of each hamlet and village was likely to deviate from that of its neighbors.

Who Were The Sea Peoples?

(See Edo Nyland's account).

Before going further with the account of Norsemen exploration in the far northern seas we should pause to take note of events in the Mediterranean world at the onset of the twelfth century BC. These were turbulent times in the southern lands, where violent attacks by a mysterious group of raiders referred to as the Sea Peoples laid in ruins the Aegean civilization and even threatened the very survival of the Egyptian monarchy. Egypt at this time was ruled by one of the most powerful of the Pharaohs, Ramesses III, who reigned from 1188 to 1165 BC.

Only the smoke-stained ruins now remain to speak mutely of the onslaught that suddenly struck down the peaceful trading empire of the Aegean peoples who fell victims to the raiders from the sea. In Egypt a stout and effective resistance was made against the pirates, adequate warning having no doubt reached the Nile Delta when the disasters occurred in the archipelago to the north of Egypt.  As to what happened next, we are almost wholly dependent upon Egyptian records carved at Medinet Habu to memorialize the defeat by Ramesses III of the Libyans and Sea Peoples in 1194 and 1191 BC., and a final attack in 1188 BC. by yet one more wave of Sea Peoples, this time not from Libya but from the east. In the bas-reliefs that depict the naval battles (Fig. 193), the defeated Sea Peoples are represented as having a European cast of face. Some of them are shown wearing hemispherical helmets that carry two recurved upward-directed horns. For other clothing they wear a kilt. Their weapons are swords and spears, whereas the Egyptian marines are armed with bows and arrows, and are shown able to attack the invaders with a fusillade before the Sea Peoples could come near enough to board the Egyptian vessels. According to Ramesses III, the defeated remnants of these invaders fled westward to Libya. Two centuries later the descendants of the invaders seized power in Egypt, reigning as the XXII or Libyan dynasty for a span of 200 years.

Other writers have already made the suggestion that the Sea Peoples may have included Norsemen sailors, largely because the monument at Medinet Habu depicts some of them as men that look like Vikings. Fell expressed a view that the inscriptions have forced upon him: that it is very probable that the Sea Peoples included substantial naval detachments from the Baltic region, that their language was a Norse dialect of the Indo-European family, that the so-called "Libyan" alphabet is in fact an alphabet of Norsemen, or at least northern European origin, and that it was taken to Libya by the defeated Sea Peoples who survived the Battle of the Nile. For some reason the alphabet they introduced has continued in use throughout subsequent Libyan history, whereas in its northern homeland it died out, to be replaced by runes. Fell hazarded the guess that the blond Tuaregs who clung most tenaciously to the "Libyan" alphabet are probably descended from Norsemen immigrants around the time of the Sea Peoples' invasions. All these proposals may seem bold inferences, but there seemed little in the way of plausible alternatives in the light of these new finds of supposed Libyan inscriptions in Europe.

It is, after all, a question of relative motion. We thought at first that Libyan voyagers had traveled to Scandinavia, to leave their script there as a calling card. It now seems that the script is Norse, and that Norsemen ships and crews carried it to Libya, where it survived." Recent articles in National Geographic Magazine, confirm the possibility that Norsemen peoples brought writing to Mediterranean lands in prehistoric times. Barry Fell's suggestion that Egypt might have had intense contact with North America is strongly supported by the huge boats, which were discovered in 1950 adjacent to Khufu's great pyramid. They were buried between 2589 and 2566 B.C.. One has been restored and it shows considerable wear as if it had gone on long journeys. Its length is 43.63 meters, width 5.66 meters (see Egyptian Boat). This ship was perfectly capable of crossing the Atlantic. The other boats were left intact, awaiting additional funding to rebuild them as well. An excellent article about these boats may be found in the April/May 2004 issue of Ancient Egypt Magazine.

The Language of Our Bronze Age Ancestors

The English language is a member of the Teutonic family of tongues, to which belong also German and the Scandinavian languages. Until now the oldest examples of Teutonic language have been short runic texts from about the time of Christ.

King Woden-lithi's written version of his own tongue [at Peterborough, Ontario, Canada] has given us the first decipherable information on how our ancestors spoke 4,000 years ago. With the aid of his American inscription, the fragmentary related inscriptions in the same alphabet, found in Scandinavia, can now also be deciphered, and they prove to be the same language as Woden-lithi's, or nearly so. Also, aided by this new information, we can now begin to solve the late Stone Age hieroglyphic rebus inscriptions. Adding these Neolithic forms to the alphabetic versions given us by Woden-lithi, one can now list some of the basic vocabulary of the Bronze Age Teutonic peoples.  The list made from the above sources was provided by Fell (1982) in Table 4a, 4b, 4c, 4d, 4e. Words inferred from a Neolithic rebus are prefixed with an asterisk (*).

Pronunciation.-- King Woden-lithi's language was evidently pronounced with a strong pervading aspiration. Initial r is probably hr. Two signs for r appear in his alphabet. One of them is apparently to be rendered as -ar, or -or. The sign for d seems always to occur in words where Old Norse <= Saharan?> has a letter that also occurs in Old English; its sound is the th in words like this, then. The letter t appears in both unaspirated and aspirated forms. The aspirated form, here rendered as th, is to be pronounced as th in with.

Conclusions

Fell (1982) noted that several outstanding facts become increasingly apparent from various epigraphic expeditions. He stated, "One is that we have greatly underrated the achievements of the Bronze age peoples of northern Europe. We have long known, from their conspicuous carvings that constitute the rock art of the Bronze Age, that the North Sea and the Baltic were the home waters of fleets of ships. What we have failed to realize is that those same ships and characteristic Bronze Age style, are also depicted on the rocks and cliffs of the maritime regions of eastern North America. And now it is also apparent that these same matching petroglyphs, on both sides of the Atlantic, are also accompanied by readable texts cut in ancient scripts that are likewise found on either side of the Atlantic.

What this means, of course, is that the ancient shipwrights made sound vessels, whose skippers and crews sailed them across the ocean, thereby fulfilling their builders' dreams. Flotillas of Ancient Norsemen, and Baltic ships each summer set their prows to the northwest, to cross the Atlantic, to return later in the season with cargoes of raw materials furnished by the Algonquians with whom they traded. To make these crossings they depended in part upon the sea roads that had been opened up by the amelioration of the climate at the peak of the Bronze Age [see Climate] . As oceanographers have inferred, the polar ice melted then, and the favorable westward-flowing air and water currents generated by the permanent polar high now became available to aid in the westward passage. The return voyage, as always, could be made on the west wind drift, in the latitude of around 40E-north latitude, as Columbus rediscovered. While these Norsemen traders opened up the northern parts of North America, other sailors from the Mediterranean lands were doing similar things..., but their outward voyage lay along the path that Columbus employed, utilizing the westward-blowing trade winds, found at latitudes below 30E N. Both sets of navigation, though employing different outward routs, were obliged to use the same homeward track, that of the west wind drift in middle latitudes. Along this common sea road the sailors of the two different regions would occasionally meet, thus prompting intercultural exchanges between the Baltic lands and North Africa.

At least twice since the close of the Stone Age, conditions have favored such events. The first occurred during the warm period of the middle Bronze Age which was previously noted. Then the world's climates cooled again, and the northern route to America became too ice-bound and too dangerous to attract adventurers in those directions any longer. It remained thus until about AD 700, when once more the earth's climate ameliorated [see Climate]. Once again the northern icecap melted and the polar seas could support navigation that made use of the polar high. Once more mariners came to northeastern America, this time under a name by which they are known in history--The Vikings. Yet, as the inscriptions show, these Vikings were not just Norsemen, they included as before men from the Baltic lands, Lithuanians and Latvians, as well as Celts from Ireland and probably also Wales. After AD 1200 the earth grew colder again, the thousand vineyards of William the Conqueror's England died out, and Normans turned their attention to the south of Europe to bring in their Malmsey wines, no longer fermented in England, where no vineyards now survived. The old routs to America were deserted, and that western land lay ignored by Europe until the voyage of Columbus once more awakened the cupidity of monarchs who, by this time, now controlled large populations of Europe. This time the full force of European exploitation fell upon the Amerindians, and the age of American isolation had ended.

Another remarkable fact that now impresses itself upon our minds is that the ancient Europeans were not barbarians. They not only spoke in the chief dialects of the Indo-European tongues, but already by late Neolithic times the Europeans could write. The languages they wrote now prove to have been comprehensible to us as representing the principal tongues of modern Europe: Teutonic, Baltic, Celtic, and also Basque. Yet another surprising discovery is due to Professor Linus Brunner, who announced in 1981 the occurrence of Semitic vocabulary in the newly identified Rhaetic language of ancient Switzerland.

The heretofore mysterious people, to whom the archeologists have attached such names as 'Beaker Folk,' 'Bell-beaker People,' and so on, now prove to be Europeans of our own stocks, speaking-- and writing-- in early variant forms of languages that we can see as related closely to the classical Teutonic, Celtic, and other tongues of Europe at the time of the Romans. The inscriptions found on their artifacts prove this. That it was not understood before is simply because archeologists have mistaken the writing for decorative engraving. When a loom weight has inscribed upon it the word warp, it is quite obvious that this is a purely practical identification label for a weaver. Decorative it may be, but let us not overlook the fact that such a label tells us immediately the linguistic stock of the person who engraved it. And, of course, it also certifies that the engraver belonged to a literate society.

The same is true of the engravers of the rock and cliff inscriptions of Scandinavia. When we discover that the 'meaningless' decorations beside their ship carvings is none other than a readable comment in Baltic speech, appropriate to the scene depicted, we know at once that the designer was familiar with the language spoken by the ancestors of the people who still live along the Baltic coasts today. They were, in short, Balts. Let us recognize this simple fact, and call them by their proper names. And when we find very similar, and similarly lettered, engravings on North American rocks, it is our obligation to our ancestors to recognize their European origins, and to call them by their proper names too.

Yet another of the new facts now coming to our attention is the surprising discovery that words appropriate to the contexts are painted or engraved beside the famous cavern paintings of the great Aurignacian sites of Europe. These works of art have been attributed to Paleolithic people of 20,000 years ago, yet we find now that they apparently used the same words for the animals they painted as did German and French, Spanish and Basque speakers within historic times. When a German of the Middle Ages called a wild bison a wisent, he was using the same word that we find written in Baltic script beside one of the most famous ancient paintings of a bison, that on the roof of the Altamira Cavern.

Other paintings in other caves are similarly accompanied by ogam or Baltic script, rendering the names of the animals in tongues of the Celtic and Basque families. We do not find such inscriptions beside paintings of animals that disappeared from Europe during the last glaciation. Thus the mammoths are not identified by name (though the Basque word that means "Bogeyman" appears beside one such mammoth picture). This seems to mean that the paintings were added in sequence over a long period, and only the latest of the series carry identifications in written language. Thus, it is probably wrong to date all the parietal art to about 20,000 BC.

In proof of the truth of this contention may be cited the case of the Basque bone disk "coinage," [mentioned earlier.]  This is obviously a local Pyrenean copy, made by Basques from a silver model provided by the Celtic coins of Aquitania in the second century before Christ. We have to correct the dating assigned by archaeologists, for it is not 20,000 years old, but only 2,000 years of age, and its purpose was not that of a bead or a button, but that of token coinage. The word engraved on it is still used in present-day Basque.

Thus, the forthcoming years will doubtless witness more drastic pruning of the antiquity assigned to some European works of art. They may have been the work of Paleolithic hunters but, if so, then the Paleolithic way of life as hunters and food-gatherers must have persisted in some parts of Europe well into the era that is generally called late Neolithic. In the world today there are still Stone Age peoples. So also in Europe in the Bronze Age, 3,000 years ago, there may well have been pockets of isolated people, living in the Paleolithic manner but acquainted with the writing systems used by their more civilized neighbors, and applying it to the labeling of their art work.

We have been slow to recognize the presence of written words in the Celtic, Basque, and Teutonic tongues beside or on these ancient cave paintings. But since we have begun to read the inscriptions, the time has come to reconsider the role of linguists in archaeology.

Have we, perhaps, devoted too much attention to the grammatical niceties of ancient languages, and not enough to the daily vocabulary of the simple country people who really constituted the bulk of the population in classical times? Too many published papers appear with titles like "On the Use of the Optiative Mood in Aeolic Greek after the Time of Alcaeus." Many more papers ought to be written under headings such as "The Vocabulary of Six Greek Graffiti from a Mycenaean Village.

Grammar without vocabulary is useless. Vocabulary without grammar is decidedly useful. With a slight knowledge, and dreadful pronunciation, of Berber, Fell was able in North Africa to elicit friendship and valuable aid during his North Africa work. Elegant Arabic, however literary and grammatical, would not have availed so well as a few uttered words of Berber that Fell had recognized as belonging to the Indo-European vocabulary of ancient Europe. The white Berbers have no recollection of their ancestors' having come from Europe, yet their anatomy declares them to be Europoids. Their vocabulary also yields European roots, whereas their grammar tells us nothing about the origin of their language.

During Norman times the English tongue was shorn of nearly all its characteristic Teutonic grammar, and instead a simplified Anglo-French set of grammatical rules took its place. On the other hand, the vocabulary retained most of the old Saxon roots, and added much French and Latin to them. To modern students from Asia, English seems to be (as one of them described it to me) "a kind of French." His ideas were based on shared vocabulary and such grammatical features as the use by modern English of the French plural in a terminal -s, almost all the old Teutonic plurals in -n having disappeared, except in rural dialects. A farmer still makes kine the plural of cow, but the city dweller does not. So it is from the farmers and other village folk that we can get best information on the older forms of European languages.

This is a general rule. When Sir henry Rawlinson set about the-- seemingly hopeless-- task of deciphering the cliff-cut cuneiform inscriptions of Behistun [Iran], he made the basic premise that the tongue of the local Iranian villagers might be the closest he could find to the language of the ancient inscription cut by Darius. Jus as Champollion used Coptic to guide him into ancient Egyptian, so also Rawlinson used the local idioms of Behistun itself. These approaches, which sound naive, are in fact well founded on reason, and they produced results.

It is expected that a younger generation of linguists will arise from our hidebound universities, and turn once more, as Jakob Grimm did a century ago, to the village communities of Europe. Let them collect the old vocabulary and discover whatever words they can, however vulgar they may seem to the city ear. it is from these ancient words that we shall garner the most useful guides to the speech of our ancestors 5,000 years ago. Much that Julius Pokorny has done, by way of extracting the "highest common factor" from each set of related Indo-European words, has helped in reading the old inscriptions. He and his predecessors and his successors, such as Linus Brunner and Imanol Agiŕe, are worthy explorers of the tongues of our ancestors. The inscribed artifacts of Stone Age people also bear information that has been overlooked.

It is not a random harvest, but one already partly organized. The harvest is ripe for the gathering, and now is the time to bring it in.

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REFERENCES

Agiŕe, Imanol. Vinculos de la Lengua Vasca

Allen. Derek 1978. An Introduction to Celtic Coins. British Museum Publ., London. 80 p.

de Azukue's, Resurrección María. 1969. Diccionario Vasco-Español-Frances, Bilbao

de Retana, José María Martín. 1966. Gran Enciclopedia Vasca, Bilbao [Editorial La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca]

Engler, H. Rudolf. 1962.  Die Sonne als Symbol; der Schlüssel zu den Mysterien. Küsnacht, Helianthus-Verlag. 302 p., illus. 26 cm.

Epigraphic Society's Occasional Publications. 1981. Epigraphy Confrontation in America

Fell, Barry. 1974. Life, Space and Time: A course in Environmental Biology. Harper & Row, NY. 417 p.

Fell, Barry. 1974. An Introduction to Polynesian Epigraphy with Special Report on the Moanalla Stele known as Pohaku ka luahine. Polynesian Epigraphic Soc.

Fell, Barry. 1976. America BC. Ancient Settlers in the New World. Pocket Books, NY. 312 p.

Fell, Barry. 1982. Bronze Age America. Little, Brown and Co., Boston, Toronto. 304 p.

Fell, Barry. 1983. Saga America. A Startling New Theory on the Old World Settlement of America before Columbus. Times Book, NY. 392 p.

Fell, Barry. 1985. Ancient Punctuation and the Los Lunas text. The Epigraphic Society. p. 35-43.

Fell, Barry. 1989. America BC: Ancient Settlers in the New World. Pocket Books, NY. (revised ed.)

Geir, T. Zoega. 1932. English-Icelandic Dictionary. Bokaverslun Sigurdar Kristjanssnar, Reykjavik. 712 p.

Gran Enciclopedia Vasca

Heizer, R. F. & M. A. Baumhoff. 1962. Prehistoric Rock Art of Nevada and Eastern California. Univ. of Calif. Press, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London. 412 p.

Oxford Dictionary of Old Icelandic

Vastokas, Joan M. & Romas. 1973. Sacred Art of the Algonkians: A study of the Peterborough Petroglyphs. Mansard Press. 1694 p.

Vastokas, Joan M. 1984. Native and European Art in Ontario 5000 BC to 867 AD. Toronto, Canada, and Gallery of Ontario. 48 p.

Zoega's, Geir T. 1910. Dictionary of Old Icelandic. Oxford University Press

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